Inkwell
FIG.I / EVENT 69

"I'm Not Promoting Myself Because I'm Not Running for Office" Was the Defense of $20 Million in Border Money. Two Days Later: "We Want to Pretend I'm Running."

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP · SEPTEMBER 29 - OCTOBER 5, 2026 · APPROPRIATIONS / CBP / GOVERNMENT-FUNDED ADS / MIDTERMS

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP
"I'm not running for office, first of all. When I'm talking about making America great, making our country great, that's a countrywide ad. That's an ad for the spirit of our country. Now, if somebody said that that's wrong, I'll gladly pay the money, but these are ads for the country. I'm not promoting a candidate. I'm not promoting myself because I'm not running for office."
"We are making a lot of progress — when I go there we win, if I don't go there we would not do as well. We want to pretend I'm running."— the same man, South Lawn gaggle, October 2, two days later (entry #66)
What happened

Beginning in late September 2026, television ads promoting President Trump began airing on cable and broadcast networks, including during NFL game breaks, each ending with the on-screen disclaimer "Paid for by the U.S. Government." CNN has obtained clips of twelve, ranging from fifteen seconds to three minutes, from a Dropbox account run by LMD, the agency holding the contract; a thirteenth, "Final Battle," has also aired. The three-minute spot "God Made Trump" presents him in a messianic register over a voiceover modeled on Paul Harvey's "God Made a Farmer." Others cover the military and operations in Iran and Venezuela, the tax law, and a UFC event he hosted at the White House; one pledges to "cast out the communists, Marxists and fascists." Two Trump advisers told CNN the ads were produced by the White House video team, part of the communications operation. The money is a matter of federal spending records. A $20 million DHS contract was awarded to LMD Agency on September 20; the Office of Management and Budget had transferred $20 million to Customs and Border Protection for "OBBB Commemorative Events" the day before. The Washington Post reported from federal spending records that the funds were drawn from accounts Congress approved for border security upgrades, efforts to combat drug trafficking, and memorials for officers killed in the line of duty. AdImpact estimated at least $5.6 million spent by October 2 and more than $10 million by October 5, with the true figure unknowable because public service announcements fall under different disclosure rules than campaign ads. The congressional record is extensive and on the record. Senate Appropriations Chair Susan Collins said the administration could only use the money because it came from last year's budget reconciliation law rather than the annual appropriations process: "We already have in the appropriations bill a funding restriction that is in the [Financial Services] bill, and that would have prohibited that. That's why the administration went around the appropriations process and used an account that was part of the reconciliation bill." Senate Majority Leader John Thune: "It's a great message. I like the message. But it shouldn't be paid for with taxpayer dollars." Senator John Cornyn: "We all know you're not supposed to use taxpayer money for that purpose." Senator John Kennedy, on Face the Nation: "no public official, including President Trump or Kristi Noem or John Kennedy, should spend public money on private ads for themselves." Senator Thom Tillis, who is retiring, said "I hate it" and compared the style to Viktor Orban's. Senator Mike Rounds: "It would not have been something that I would have done." Senator John Curtis: "If it were me as a senator, it would be a problem." When Senator Maggie Hassan sought unanimous consent on a resolution that taxpayers should not fund the ads, Senator Cynthia Lummis objected from the floor, saying the PSAs defend "American values." Senators Patty Murray and Chris Murphy wrote to Homeland Security Secretary Markwayne Mullin that "using government funding to create or air political ads like the ones that have been running over the last few days is illegal and a shockingly corrupt misuse of taxpayer dollars." Representatives Jamie Raskin and George Whitesides asked the Government Accountability Office and the Office of Special Counsel to investigate, calling the spots "desperate pre-election propaganda." The White House position is that they are public service announcements: "very clearly not campaign ads; President Trump is not on the ballot and there is no call to action." On Wednesday, September 30, in the Oval Office, Trump gave the defense quoted above. On Monday, October 5, he posted to Truth Social: "The Radical Left is upset with the fact that I am taking Ads, which I consider to be a positive promotion for our Great U.S.A., and paying for them with U.S.A. money. This is a rather standard thing to do but, rather than doing that, although nothing will make them happy, I have decided to do the Patriotic Ads, among others, and pay for them myself, and with money I raised for MAGA, Inc." MAGA Inc. entered September with roughly $415 million on hand. The New York Times reported that Trump directed the budget director to find the money and that OMB counsel and White House counsel concluded the use of DHS funds was legal; that reporting rests on unnamed sources and is recorded here as such.

What the press did with it

Covered the reversal and stopped. "Trump says he'll pay for the ads" closed the story on October 5, and the preceding week had been covered properly — the CBP account, the reconciliation workaround, the bipartisan Senate objections, the demand letters. One sentence connects all of it and appeared nowhere. The entire legal and ethical defense of spending $20 million in public money rests on a single premise, which the President stated himself on September 30: he is not running for office, so the ads cannot be campaign ads. On October 2, on the South Lawn, he said his party should campaign as though he were on the ballot, that Republicans get "44 per cent more" when he appears, and "We want to pretend I'm running." That is entry #66, filed four days ago from the same gaggle. No outlet put the two statements together, though they are forty-eight hours apart, both voluntary, both on camera, and one is the stated foundation of the other. Second, the offer to reimburse is conditional and retrospective — "if somebody said that that's wrong, I'll gladly pay the money" — and the money was already obligated under a contract signed September 20. The questions Murray, Murphy, Raskin and Collins raised are about the obligation of appropriated funds for a purpose Congress did not authorize. Whether a super PAC later writes a check does not reach that question, and not one story asked whether it does. Third, Collins's sentence is the most consequential Republican statement of the week and it was filed as a reaction quote. She did not say the ads were tacky. She described a mechanism: the appropriations bill contains a restriction that would have barred this, so the administration used a reconciliation account that the restriction does not reach. That is a reusable procedure, it is being described by the chair of the Appropriations Committee, and it ran as a line in a round-up of senators who were annoyed. Fourth, the accounts themselves. The Washington Post found the money came from border security upgrades, counter-narcotics, and memorials for officers killed in the line of duty. No follow-up asked which upgrade, which program, or which memorial.

The question that didn't get asked

Entry #43 recorded him saying the equity stakes were "hundreds of billions for the USA, not myself." Entry #34 recorded presidential posts sold through an API to traders. Entry #39 recorded him reporting a named NBC correspondent to the FCC. Entry #47 recorded an Attorney General headlining a political event. The pattern across all of them is a public instrument turned to personal account and defended by a distinction the speaker draws himself. What is new here is that the distinction was withdrawn by the same speaker inside two days, in public, for an unrelated reason. On September 30 the claim "I am not running" was load-bearing — it is the entire basis on which $20 million appropriated for border security and police memorials could be spent on three-minute films about the President. On October 2 the claim was discarded because it was inconvenient to a Senate race in North Carolina. Both statements cannot be true, and the one he abandoned is the one holding up the spending. Twenty-nine days before the midterms, the United States government is buying television time to run a spot called "God Made Trump," the Senate Majority Leader has said on the record that taxpayers should not be paying for it, the chair of Appropriations has explained precisely how the restriction was avoided, and the President's answer is that it is "a rather standard thing to do."